Tort Reform

A Look at Civil Filing Statistics

This post is a follow up on a 2014 post about civil filings in Mississippi. Cliff Johnson, the Director of the MacArthur Justice Center at Ole Miss Law School, provided me with these updated statistics:Civil Cases filed 2001 – July 2018 .

Another helpful document for analyzing filings is the Mississippi Supreme Court’s Annual Report. Here is the 2017 Report. Reports dating to 1998 are on the Court’s website.

This page from the 2017 Annual Report breaks down state court filings by year for 2010 – 2017:State trial court filings and dispositions. Interesting stats for these years:

  • Chancery Court filings down from 88,424 to 59,221
  • Chancery Court disposed cases down from 64,994 to 56,079
  • Circuit Court civil filings down from 25,800 to 19,328
  • Circuit Court civil disposed cases down from 22,249 to 15,557

The drop in Circuit Court filings ended in 2013. Filings were fairly flat from 2013 through 2017.

In the federal courts, personal injury case filings for the 2010’s decade are consistently lower than in the 2000’s.

But in state’s of similar size, federal court filings are higher than in Arkansas, Kansas, Utah and New Mexico and lower than Nevada.

None of those states has seen the drop in filings experienced by Mississippi.

My Take:

These stats should help civil litigation attorneys analyze their career plans. If your practice is working, there is less to fear about it drying up than in prior years when filings were dropping.

If your practice is not working, you are going to have to cut into someone else’s business or find another job.

If you are thinking about starting a practice, you need to plan how you will get cases and realize industry growth will not be a tailwind. Competition for work is fierce.

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Federal Tort Reform on the Horizon?

The Washington Post reported last week on Republican efforts to pass federal tort reform in Congress. Proponents of the bills espouse the same untrue talking points that the Chamber has been saying for over a decade.

The bill that is getting the most attention is one that would cap non-economic damages in medical malpractice cases at $250,000. Why is this needed? To stop frivolous lawsuits, according to the bill’s proponents.

This reasoning makes no sense. Unfortunately, reporters never ask how capping damages in the cases with the most merit will deter frivolous lawsuits.

Capping non-economic damages at $250,000 is not much different than capping them at $0. The math of a medical malpractice case doesn’t work from the plaintiff’s side with a $250,000 cap on non-economic damages. There will be no medical malpractice lawsuits within 10 years if this bill passes.

I have no idea where all these terrible medical malpractice lawsuits are happening. Certainly not in Mississippi, where the $500,000 cap combined with ‘tort reformed’ juries has killed the practice area.

I’m not certain at all that the medical community would vote to abolish medical malpractice lawsuits. This and other tort reform bills are being pushed by professional tort reformers–people whose job it is to lobby for tort reform. Lobbyists have turned into the most powerful people in Washington.

Long term, I foresee a public backlash on this kind of stuff. But I don’t see it happening during my career.

The other day I was talking to a lawyer about the question of where the age line is for Mississippi litigators in private practice. Above a certain age, it’s probably best to try to stick it out and squeeze as many more decent years out as possible. Below a certain age, it’s probably best to find an in-house job and/or move. We decided somewhere in the 40’s.

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Mississippi House Passes More Tort Reform

The Mississippi House of Representatives passed HB 481 this week. Here is the bill.

The bill legislatively abrogates the collateral source rule.

The purpose of the bill is to kill what’s left of the plaintiff’s bar in Mississippi. Kill the plaintiff’s bar and you kill a shrinking, but reliable, source of campaign contributions for Democratic candidates.

To see who is behind bills like these, you need to see who spends the most on influencing legislation through lobbying activities. Here is page that identifies the top spenders nationally in 2016. The U.S. Chamber leads the way with a total of $103 million–$40 million more than the next highest spender. The Chamber is followed by a bunch of companies that help fund the Chamber.

Lobbying expenditures is on of the reasons I support an appointed judiciary–particularly at the appellate court level. Let me be clear because this always comes up in the comments: I’m not saying appointing judges would remove the politics from the process. It would reduce it–significantly in my opinion.

Yes, there is a lot of backroom intrigue and gossip when it comes to who will get a prime appointment. So? If I’m not close friends with the candidates, does it really matter to me if one person gets appointed over another person when they would both be fine judges? No, it doesn’t. I just want a judge who is always trying hard to be fair and doesn’t have to look over his/her shoulder every time they rule.

They appoint federal judges in Mississippi and most lawyers seem to like them. A federal district judge with a lifetime appointment does not have to worry about an angry Chamber coming after his or her job in the next election. In contrast, a moderate ruling state court judge can face a business funded opponent. Why would the Chamber want a down the middle moderate judge when they could elect one more to their liking?

The Chamber is a business in itself. It’s going to continue to raise and spend money on lobbyists and elections because that’s what it’s for.

More tort reform is on the way. They aren’t ever going to stop trying to pass more. The only hope to completely eliminating the civil justice system for everyone except big business is an independent judiciary.

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Arbitration Reform is Toast

When I last talked about the ban of arbitration clauses in nursing home admission agreements, the political climate suggested that this was a first step in broader reform of consumer arbitration. What a difference a few weeks makes.

As reported by the ABA last week, on Monday District Judge Mike Mills entered a preliminary injunction blocking implementation of the rule. Then on Tuesday, Trump won.

Here is Judge Mills’ Order.

At this point, the lawsuit before Judge Mills is probably just a bragging rights case. With the new President comes a new administration and new policy. The Trump administration will probably revoke the ban.

I take nothing back I’ve said about my opinion that a day is coming when pre-dispute consumer arbitration agreements will not be enforceable. But that day is much further away than it was last Monday.

Look for the Republican Congress and President to attempt to completely dismantle the civil justice system. This is not something we’ve had to worry about for the last eight years. But it’s bed-wetting time for the litigation industry.

Anyone working in mass tort–plaintiff or defense–should be particularly afraid. Big firm associates working on mass tort defense should begin thinking about Plan B in case new laws effectively eliminate their practice area. Mass tort will not, however, be the only impacted practice area. If the Chamber gets their entire wish list the courthouse will be closed to individuals who can’t afford to pay a lawyer except, perhaps, in fender bender cases.

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Nursing Home Arbitration Banned: What’s the Impact for Mississippi Litigation?

The New York Times announced last night that the federal government is banning arbitration clauses in nursing homes that receive Medicare and Medicaid funding, which is pretty much all of them.

It’s nice to see that the nursing home industry isn’t happy, since they are lying about arbitration:

The nursing home industry has said that arbitration offers a less costly alternative to court. Allowing more lawsuits, the industry has said, could drive up costs and force some homes to close.

It’s a lie. Arbitration isn’t less costly than court. It’s more costly. The parties don’t pay the judge in court. In arbitration they do. Otherwise, the costs are the same. How are the parties saving money forking over $15,000 or $20,000 to the arbitrator?

Why can’t they just tell the truth? “We like arbitration because it scares off some lawyers and arbitrators aren’t going to light us up like a jury might. Some arbitrators might even shade it in our favor to try to get some repeat business.” That would be a crappy thing to say, but people hate getting lied to more.

This is a great first step to the eventual ban of pre-dispute arbitration clauses in all consumer contracts. When it will be really good is when banks, car dealerships, credit card companies and the like can’t escape accountability with arbitration clauses buried in terms of service or contracts that no one reads and has no choice but to sign even if they do. That day is coming.

As for nursing home litigation in Mississippi, I don’t see it changing much in the current environment. Nursing home cases don’t work well for plaintiffs in Mississippi because of:

  1. the $500,000 non-economic damages cap;
  2. nursing home cases are expensive and labor intensive–much more so than a med-mal case;
  3. most nursing homes carry little or no insurance as a defense strategy; and
  4. medicare and medicaid liens eat up a lot of any recovery.

Add all that together and you can’t get much of a recovery for a client. The biggest problem for plaintiffs in nursing home cases in Mississippi is the math. Plaintiff lawyers look at it and think:

  • if we win or settle I will get a nice fee, but after the fee, expenses and liens, the client will get little money–a fraction of the recovery. Is the client going to be happy? Probably not. I think I’ll pass.

Plaintiff lawyers have to worry about unhappy clients in a different way than defense lawyers. Unhappy defense clients switch lawyers on the next case. Unhappy plaintiff clients file bar complaints and fish around for a lawyer to file a legal malpractice case.

The Mississippi Supreme Court already wasn’t a fan of arbitration clauses in nursing home contracts anyway. Half the time they weren’t enforceable because the nursing home would size the family up and get someone to sign who they could sue to collect the bill after the patient died instead of the actual patient (who was sick but not incompetent).

For things to get really better we’d need to see the caps thrown out or raised to at least $1 million and a law passed requiring nursing homes to carry a decent sized amount of insurance. It would also help if Medicare and Medicaid would reduce their liens more.

At one time nursing home cases were my biggest practice area. At the moment the only case I have is one where I am local counsel for an out of state firm. While I am happy to see this change in the law, it’s not enough to make me start marketing for nursing home cases again.

Hopefully, I’m wrong. But another lawyer who I worked with a lot on nursing home cases forwarded me news of the law’s passage in an email that said: “Too late but good.” So I don’t think my reaction is off base.

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Why Aren’t Plaintiff Lawyers Filing More Cases?

The question of why filings are so low in Mississippi gets thrown out there quiet a bit.

Defense lawyers have been asking the question for years after their pre-tort reform predictions that plaintiff lawyers would not stop filing cases proved to be wrong. I recently heard that law school professors are asking the question because there are a lot of people with real legal disputes that can’t find representation.

The answer is in how plaintiff-side litigation works. Plaintiff lawyers can be paid hourly or on a contingency fee. Mississippi is a poor state. Most people can’t afford to pay a plaintiff lawyer by the hour. Further, many plaintiff lawyers, including me, are hesitant to take a plaintiff case by the hour unless the merits are good enough to where they would also take it on a contingency.

So the plaintiff lawyer needs to conclude that the case is winnable in order to take and file the case. Look back at the verdicts listed on Monday in the preview of the Mississippi Jury Verdict Reporter. On the whole, these verdicts represent a disastrous month for the plaintiffs.

Why aren’t plaintiff lawyers filing more cases? This is why. The plaintiff lawyers likely lost a lot of money in the medical malpractice, nursing home and products cases and maybe the tree case.

While the plaintiff lawyers probably didn’t lose money out of pocket on the two car wreck ‘wins’, they also made very little money considering they had to try the cases.

Other plaintiff lawyers view these results and take heed.

Bottom line: plaintiff lawyers have to be very careful about the cases they file. Unlike defense lawyers who are billing by the hour, plaintiff lawyers don’t have to stay busy. A plaintiff lawyer who feels compelled to stay busy may end up filing a case that is a loser that will cause them to lose a bunch of money in fronted expenses.

Repeatedly losing money in cases is not a viable business model. Plaintiff lawyers who don’t know how to screen cases or can’t tell people no will not stay in business long.

Plaintiff lawyers hear some bleak stories from prospective clients who unquestionably have been wronged. But we have to tell the client no if we conclude that the case is not economically viable for whatever reason–and there are many factors that can kill an otherwise viable claim. Hearing these stories and having to tell people no is the single worst part of my job. But I have to do it if I want to stay in business.

A plaintiff lawyer is better off going hunting or fishing than filing a case that is likely a loser. Whether to take a contingency plaintiff case is a math problem. Experienced plaintiff lawyers aren’t going to file cases where they have better odds at the craps tables in a casino.

Combined with the fact that so many big cases get exported out-of-state in MDLs as I discussed here, the trends for litigation in Mississippi are exceptionally bleak. Filings just aren’t going to rise significantly barring something weird like a Katrina-like disaster that leads to litigation or Congressional legislation rolling back consumer arbitration clauses.

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What to Make of the Supreme Court’s Ruling in the AWP Litigation?

As discussed here week before last, the Mississippi Supreme Court affirmed a $30 million bench verdict in favor of the State of Mississippi against Sandoz, Inc. for overcharging the State for drugs.Here is the Court’s opinion.

The decision was actually a tie, as explained last week by Judge Primeaux on his blog:

Justice Chandler wrote the plurality opinion, joined by Kitchens, King, and Randolph specially concurring. Justices Dickinson and Lamar wrote dissenting opinions that were joined by Pierce and Coleman. Waller did not participate. If you’re counting, the score is Affirm = 4, Dissent = 4, Abstain = 1. If the vote is tied, the decision is affirmed.

Because it was a tie, Justice Randolph criticized the Court’s lengthy opinions–a combined 53 pages. As Judge Primeaux explains:

Justice Randolph concurred in the result, but he vigorously argued that the court should not have issued an opinion in the case, but rather should have issued an order merely affirming since there was no majority in agreement to issue a statement of the law on the subject. He cites SCOTUS opinions that support his position holding that split decisions have no precedential value, and concludes by questioning why our court clings to its practice of issuing opinions that can be used as precedent in such cases. I have to say that I find his brief concurring opinion persuasive.

Kind of lost in the shuffle was the majority’s conclusion that the statutory punitive damages caps apply to cases where the State is the plaintiff.

My Take:

Without getting into the merits of caps, it seems fair that caps that apply to other plaintiffs also apply to the State.

There is no way for me to opine on whether the Court (and Chancellor) got it right without analyzing the record. For any reader who would like to give me some homework by assigning me the task of reading the record and reporting back: YOU DO IT.

I agree with Judge Primeaux that for those of us unburdened with knowledge of the record, Justice Randolph’s concurrence is persuasive. The beauty of Justice Randolph’s opinion is that you don’t need to know what’s in the record to follow it.

Finally, it’s worth pointing out that this may not be over. Sandoz will no doubt file a motion for re-hearing and we could see tweaked (or more) opinions months down the road.

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Total Number of Mississippi Lawyers Stagnates

This WSJ law blog article led me to this ABA chart tracking state attorney populations on both a current and historical basis.

According to the report, Mississippi has 7,059 attorneys. That’s up 8.6% from the 6,500 we had in 2005, but down from the 2007 peak of 7,312.

States with the most growth in attorneys are growth states with vibrant economies:

  • Arizona- 30.6%
  • Florida- 53.3%
  • Georgia- 25.7%
  • North Carolina- 33.7%
  • North Dakota- 27.9%
  • Pennsylvania- 27.4%
  • Tennessee- 27.8%
  • Utah- 46.1%
  • Texas- 24.6% (over 86,000 lawyers total)
  • Wyoming- 27.6% (less than 2,000 lawyers total)

To fully appreciate what this means for the legal industry in Mississippi, check out some of my prior posts about civil action filings here and here. The short version is that in 2015 we need a lot less lawyers in Mississippi than we did in 2005, yet have 8.6% more.

And the revenue pie is much smaller than it was 10 years ago. In this 2014 post I speculated that litigation revenue in Mississippi is down 80% from the peak. I still think that’s a good estimate.

The bottom line is that we have way too many lawyers in Mississippi for all of us to make a good living. We could probably lose 2,000 attorneys in the state and no one would notice.

What would be good for Mississippi attorneys is the same thing that would be good for all Mississippians: economic development. Unfortunately, we are led by crony capitalists who think an economic development plan is giving money to strip mall developers. We need a long term plan. Not ad hoc tax breaks that wreak of cronyism.

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The Bursting of Mississippi’s Litigation Bubble

Courtesy of Jackson lawyer Cliff Johnson is this tort case filings graph used in a presentation Monday night by Cliff, Judge Kent McDaniel and Vicky Lowery to the Inns of Court. The graph shows tort filings in Mississippi from 1994 – 2012.

Tort filings peaked in 2002 with 10,617 tort cases filed in state court in Mississippi. By 2012, that number was down to 3,551 and still trending down. You can’t tell from the graph when tort filings were last at 2012 levels. The number of filings in 1994 was 5,056. It was some time before 1994.

Total civil filings are also down substantially–37% since 2002. The reason that total civil filings are not down as much as tort filings is that civil filings includes things like debt collection actions that have almost nothing to do with the litigation climate in the state and provide few jobs for lawyers.

The graph explains a lot about the pain felt in the legal profession over the last eight years or so. It was comparably easy for law firms to grow and lawyers to flourish in their own practices from pre-1994 through 2002 because there were twice as many tort cases filed per year compared to today.

But it wasn’t sustainable. It was a bubble. The bubble burst around 2002 and we’ve been in a decline ever since.

We needed a lot more lawyers in Mississippi in 2002 to work all the cases than we do today. That has resulted in a shaking out on both the plaintiff and defense side with contractions in both sides of the litigation bar.

It will be interesting to see how the filings look over the next five years covering 2013 – 2017. My guess is that tort filings will continue to decline in 2013 – 2014 and stabilize around 3,000 per year.

Also, keep in mind that those 3,000 cases are generally worth less than cases in the 1990’s when there were twice as many cases being filed. So the dollar impact of only 3,000 filings on the legal economy is greater than the 50% that the raw filing numbers would first suggest.

It wouldn’t be so bad if we didn’t still have an over-supply of lawyers. The number of lawyers in the state has risen over this time period. The excess lawyer issue is an issue nationwide that will take a decade or more to resolve.

Of course, these numbers only confirm what we’ve known for years. It’s harder to make a living practicing law in Mississippi than it used to be. You still can. It’s just not easy anymore.

There are plenty of good lawyers who have been forced out of private practice in the last eight years or so. It’s not necessarily a reflection on those lawyers’ skills other than rainmaking. Luck and chance have a lot to say about who the survivors are in private practice. We can feel more secure by pretending otherwise, but that’s the way it has shaken out.

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Tennessee Loser Pays Bill May Be Unfair, But Mississippi’s is Much Worse

On Monday I wrote about the Republicans’ “loser pays” legislation in Mississippi. Republican sponsored “loser pays” legislation is also on the table in Tennessee, as reported in the Tennessean (a Gannett Company). Critics of the Tennessee bill state that the bill is unfair to regular folks:

Daniel Clayton, a medical malpractice lawyer in Nashville, said working-class Tennesseans and small businesses, on the other hand, might be too scared to file a lawsuit that has merit because the outcome of litigation is uncertain and they could get stuck paying the litigation fees of a company with an army of lawyers.

“If loser pays passes, it gives incredible power to insurance companies and big business because they can intimidate people and bankrupt people to make it very difficult for a family or small business to hold a corporation or insurance company accountable for wrongdoing,” Clayton said.

But unlike Republican Gary Chism’s Mississippi bill, the Tennessee bill actually has provisions that go both ways:

Another bill would require a plaintiff to pay the litigation costs of a defendant if the plaintiff refused a settlement offer from the defendant only to win less than 75 percent of the settlement offer at trial. Such payments would be taken out of, and capped at, a plaintiff’s award at trial. The law would similarly punish defendants who refuse a settlement offer if the plaintiff wins more than 125 percent of their settlement offer at trial.

The Tennessee bill does favor large corporations. But at least Tennessee legislators felt like they needed to add provisions that made it at least look fair on the surface. Mississippi Republicans feel no such pressure. But are we really surprised?

No. No. And No.

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